Saturday, October 17, 2015

Edo State: In Quest Of A Free & Fair Party Gubernatorial Primaries

Edo State: In Quest Of A Free & Fair Party Gubernatorial Primaries

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Iyoha John Darlington
unnamedOver half of Nigeria’s qualified voters, you will agree with me, are disenfranchised and  live under autocratic or partly free governments and  in consequence of this are denied full liberties and subsequently unable to participate in Nigeria’s political life. Nigeria cannot be said to be truly democratic until its citizenry are given the opportunity to freely choose their representatives through party  primaries and  elections that are free and fair.
Often times the sovereign wishes of Nigerians have  either been hijacked, annulled or ultimately bastardized by moneybags, grandees calling to mind the gross irregularities that took place in the run-up to the 2015 general elections in Nigeria.
Critical development efforts cannot succeed without a legitimate and democratically elected government that is responsive and accountable to its citizens. Elections provide an important opportunity to advance democratization and encourage political liberalization.
As Edo State warms up for its gubernatorial primaries, this writer calls for none other than a free, fair level playing ground to foster political openings that would expand and enhance political participation. There is no denying the fact that our great state is in dire need of regeneration to reposition it in the path of development and economic prosperity. The three major political parties namely the All Progressives Congress (APC), Labour Party (LP)  and the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) under whose platforms aspirants would be  vying for Edo State’s plum job must take the following factors into active consideration if they are to be taken seriously and given the mandate  to lead our great state in the coming years.
A  platform that supports political competition, consensus building efforts and provide effective, cohesive and dynamic leadership is deemed absolutely necessary that will put  into effective use certain key elements that are essential to fair elections and political processes. It must be borne in mind however that free and fair primaries play a critical role in political transitions by advancing democratization and encouraging political liberalization. This  doubtless helps to promote peaceful,  democratic political transformation that leads to increased stability and prosperity.
Ahead of the forthcoming primaries let us take a cursory glance at the structures on the ground:
For starters, are there informed and active aspirants; are there impartial electoral frameworks; is there an effective oversight of electoral processes; would there be an effective transfer of political power in the event of a defeat of the ruling party in the state; would the power of incumbency be retained to scuttle a hitch-free transition? These and many others, I dare say, agitate this writer if we need reminding.
We have gone past the era of deceit where our common patrimony would be again be plundered, hijacked by a tribe of hydra-headed dragons, the Unicorn, the Yeti, political eunuchs  and a host of other mythical monsters that would parade themselves as the Messiah of which the oldest state in the federation of Nigeria urgently stand in need.
The journey to reposition our great state has again begun and it is not in dispute that our state is bereft of social infrastructures which speak volumes for the widespread poverty in the land. Posterity will never forgive us if we again cast caution to the winds by allowing egocentric loners to mount the saddle of power and leave nothing for us in the long run. If I may borrow a line from Chinua Achebe literary works – Things Fall Apart – ‘  ”A chick that will grow  into a cock can be spotted the very day it hatches”.  During the party primaries aspirants within the party should be invited to a political debate to enable the electorates know  how active and informed the aspirants are. Party loyalty and affiliation should be jettisoned to the dustbin of history being an ill-wind that will do us no good in the end.   It is on this score this writer calls for  primaries that will be  transparent, free and fair and perfectly in order to be accepted by the people.
If we again err by reverting to the notorious tradition of adopting a consensus candidate as being rumoured or speculated in some quarters things would doubtless go wrong and have us returned to the proverbial vicious circle. This, I dare say, remains the focus of my humble analysis.
Iyoha John Darlington, a political analyst, opinion leader and public commentator on national and global issues writes from Turin, Italy.
Email: jamestmichael2003@yahoo.com
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Former President Jonathan Testifes

Without Alamieyeseigha nobody would have known me – JonathanPosted By: Mike Odiegwu, Yenagoa

Without Alamieyeseigha nobody would have known me - Jonathan
Jonathan
Former President Goodluck Jonathan almost broke down in tears on Friday over the death of a former Governor of Bayelsa State, Chief Diepreye Alamieyeseigha.
Jonathan in an emotional voice said he remained indebted to Alamieyeseigha, noting that without the former governor nobody would have known him in the world.
Lamenting the sudden demise of Alamieyeseigha, the ex-president said he had lost an elder brother.
Jonathan, who started his political journey by serving as Alamieyeseigha’s deputy from 1999 to 2005, said he was saddened by the unexpected demise of his former boss.
The former president spoke when he paid a condolence visit to the family of Alamieyeseigha at their residence in Opolo, Yenagoa.
In his entourage were the Governor of the state, Mr. Seriake Dickson, his deputy, John Jonah, Secretary to the State Government (SSG), Edmund Allison-Oguru, other officials of government and elder statesmen.
Alamieyeseigha’s widow, Margaret, on sighting Jonathan broke down in tears and wept uncontrollably.
Jonathan said his relationship with Alamieyeseigha was not that of a governor and a deputy governor but that of an elder brother and a younger brother.
He said: “It is sad. I directly worked as a deputy governor to Alamieyeseigha. I knew Alamieyeseigha during the UNCP days when we were working for him.
“I never knew I was going to be his deputy because that was not my interest then. From that time, the political evolution in the country and the state brought me to work with him.
“And from 1999, we have been together. He always took me as his younger brother. Our relationship was not that of a governor and a deputy but it was that of a younger brother and an elder brother.”

Friday, October 16, 2015

FELA KUTI'S LIFE HISTORY IN SUMMARY

FELA KUTI'S LIFE HISTORY IN SUMMARY.
INTRO.......
Fela Kuti was (born Olufela Olusegun Oludotun Ransome-Kuti) on 15 October 1938 – 2 August 1997). Also known as Fela Anikulapo Kuti or simply Fela, he was a Nigerian multi-instrumentalist, musician, composer, pioneer of the Afrobeat music genre, human rights activist, and political maverick.
Fela Kuti
Early life and career
Fela was born Olufela Olusegun Oludotun Ransome-Kuti on 15 October 1938 in Abeokuta, Ogun State, Nigeria into an upper-middle-class family. His mother, Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, was a feminist activist in the anti-colonial movement; his father, Reverend Israel Oludotun Ransome-Kuti, a Protestant minister and school principal, was the first president of the Nigeria Union of Teachers. His brothers, Beko Ransome-Kuti and Olikoye Ransome-Kuti, both medical doctors, are well known in Nigeria. Fela was a first cousin to the Nigerian writer and Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka, the first African to win the Nobel Prize for Literature.
He attended the Abeokuta Grammar School in Abeokuta and later he was sent to London in 1958 to study medicine but decided to study music instead at the Trinity College of Music, the trumpet being his preferred instrument. While there, he formed the band Koola Lobitos, playing a fusion of jazz and highlife.
In 1960, Fela married his first wife, Remilekun (Remi) Taylor, with whom he would have three children (Femi, Yeni, and Sola). In 1963, Fela moved back to Nigeria, re-formed Koola Lobitos and trained as a radio producer for the Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation. He played for some time with Victor Olaiya and his All Stars.
In 1967, he went to Ghana to think up a new musical direction. That was when Kuti first called his music Afrobeat. In 1969, Fela took the band to the United States where they spent 10 months in Los Angeles. While there, Fela discovered the Black Power movement through Sandra Smith (now Sandra Izsadore), a partisan of the Black Panther Party. The experience would heavily influence his music and political views. He renamed the band Nigeria ’70. Soon afterwards, the Immigration and Naturalization Service was tipped off by a promoter that Fela and his band were in the US without work permits. The band immediately performed a quick recording session in Los Angeles that would later be released as The ’69 Los Angeles Sessions.
After Fela and his band returned to Nigeria, the group was renamed The Afrika ’70, as lyrical themes changed from love to social issues. He then formed the Kalakuta Republic, a commune, a recording studio, and a home for the many people connected to the band that he later declared independent from the Nigerian state. (According to Lindsay Barrett, the name “Kalakuta” derived from the infamous Black Hole of Calcutta dungeon in India.)
Fela set up a nightclub in the Empire Hotel, first named the Afro-Spot and then the Afrika Shrine, where he both performed regularly and officiated at personalized Yoruba traditional ceremonies in honour of his nation’s ancestral faith. He also changed his middle name to Anikulapo (meaning “He who carries death in his pouch”, with the interpretation: “I will be the master of my own destiny and will decide when it is time for death to take me”), stating that his original middle name of Ransome was a slave name.
Fela’s music was popular among the Nigerian public and Africans in general. In fact, he made the decision to sing in Pidgin English so that his music could be enjoyed by individuals all over Africa, where the local languages spoken are very diverse and numerous. As popular as Fela’s music had become in Nigeria and elsewhere, it was also very unpopular with the ruling government, and raids on the Kalakuta Republic were frequent. During 1972, Ginger Baker recorded Stratavarious with Fela appearing alongside Bobby Tench. Around this time, Kuti became even more involved in the Yoruba religion.
In 1977, Fela and the Afrika ’70 released the album Zombie, a scathing attack on Nigerian soldiers using the zombie metaphor to describe the methods of the Nigerian military. The album was a smash hit and infuriated the government, setting off a vicious attack against the Kalakuta Republic, during which one thousand soldiers attacked the commune. Fela was severely beaten, and his elderly mother (whose house was located opposite the commune) was thrown from a window, causing fatal injuries. The Kalakuta Republic was burned, and Fela’s studio, instruments, and master tapes were destroyed. Fela claimed that he would have been killed had it not been for the intervention of a commanding officer as he was being beaten. Fela’s response to the attack was to deliver his mother’s coffin to the Dodan Barracks in Lagos, General Olusegun Obasanjo’s residence, and to write two songs, “Coffin for Head of State” and “Unknown Soldier”, referencing the official inquiry that claimed the commune had been destroyed by an unknown soldier.
Fela and his band then took residence in Crossroads Hotel, as the Shrine had been destroyed along with his commune. In 1978, Fela married 27 women, many of whom were his dancers, composers, and singers to mark the anniversary of the attack on the Kalakuta Republic. Later, he was to adopt a rotation system of keeping only 12 simultaneous wives. The year was also marked by two notorious concerts, the first in Accra in which riots broke out during the song “Zombie”, which led to Fela being banned from entering Ghana. The second was at the Berlin Jazz Festival after which most of Fela’s musicians deserted him, due to rumours that Fela was planning to use the entire proceeds to fund his presidential campaign.
Despite the massive setbacks, Fela was determined to come back. He formed his own political party, which he called Movement of the People (MOP), in order to “clean up society like a mop”. In 1979, he put himself forward for President in Nigeria’s first elections for more than a decade, but his candidature was refused. At this time, Fela created a new band called Egypt ’80 (reflecting his reading of pan-African literature) and continued to record albums and tour the country. He further infuriated the political establishment by dropping the names of ITT Corporation vice-president Moshood Abiola and then General Olusegun Obasanjo at the end of a hot-selling 25-minute political screed entitled “I.T.T. (International Thief-Thief)”.
1980s AND BEYOND
In 1984, Muhammadu Buhari’s government, of which Kuti was a vocal opponent, jailed him on a charge of currency smuggling which Amnesty International and others denounced as politically motivated.
Amnesty designated him a prisoner of conscience, and his case was also taken up by other human rights groups. After 20 months, he was released from prison by General Ibrahim Babangida. On his release he divorced his 12 remaining wives, saying that “marriage brings jealousy and selfishness”.
Once again, Fela continued to release albums with Egypt ’80, made a number of successful tours of the United States and Europe and also continued to be politically active. In 1986, Fela performed in Giants Stadium in New Jersey as part of the Amnesty International A Conspiracy of Hope concert, sharing the bill with Bono, Carlos Santana, and The Neville Brothers. In 1989, Fela and Egypt ’80 released the anti-apartheid Beasts of No Nation that depicts on its cover U.S. President Ronald Reagan, UK Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and South African State President Pieter Willem Botha, that title of the composition, as Barrett notes, having evolved out of a statement by Botha: “This uprising [against the apartheid system] will bring out the beast in us.”
Fela’s album output slowed in the 1990s, and eventually he stopped releasing albums altogether. In 1993, he and four members of the Afrika ’70 organization were arrested for murder. The battle against military corruption in Nigeria was taking its toll, especially during the rise of dictator Sani Abacha. Rumours were also spreading that he was suffering from an illness for which he was refusing treatment.
DEATH
On 3 August 1997, Olikoye Ransome-Kuti, already a prominent AIDS activist and former Minister of Health, stunned the nation by announcing his younger brother’s death a day earlier from Kaposi’s sarcoma which was brought on by AIDS. More than a million people attended Fela’s funeral at the site of the old Shrine compound. A new Africa Shrine has opened since Fela’s death in a different section of Lagos under the supervision of his son Femi Kuti.
MUSIC
The musical style of Felá is called afrobeat, a style he largely created, which is a complex fusion of Jazz, Funk, Ghanaian/Nigerian High-life, psychedelic rock, and traditional West African chants and rhythms. Afrobeat also borrows heavily from the native “tinker pan” African-style percussion that Kuti acquired while studying in Ghana with Hugh Masekela, under the uncanny Hedzoleh Soundz. The importance of the input of Tony Allen (Fela’s drummer of twenty years) in the creation of Afrobeat cannot be overstated. Fela once famously stated that “without Tony Allen, there would be no Afrobeat”.
Afrobeat is characterized by a fairly large band with many instruments, vocals, and a musical structure featuring jazzy, funky horn sections. A riff-based “endless groove” is used, in which a base rhythm of drums, shekere, muted West African-style guitar, and melodic bass guitar riffs are repeated throughout the song. Commonly, interlocking melodic riffs and rhythms are introduced one by one, building the groove bit-by-bit and layer-by-layer. The horn section then becomes prominent, introducing other riffs and main melodic themes.
Fela’s band was notable for featuring two baritone saxophones, whereas most groups were using only one of this instrument. This is a common technique in African and African-influenced musical styles, and can be seen in Funk and Hip hop. Fela’s bands at times even performed with two bassists at the same time both playing interlocking melodies and rhythms. There were always two or more guitarists. The electric West African style guitar in Afrobeat bands are paramount, but are used to give basic structure, playing a repeating chordal/melodic statement, riff, or groove.
Some elements often present in Fela’s music are the call-and-response within the chorus and figurative but simple lyrics. Fela’s songs were also very long, at least 10–15 minutes in length, and many reaching the 20 or even 30 minutes, while some unreleased tracks would last up to 45 minutes when performed live. This was one of many reasons that his music never reached a substantial degree of popularity outside Africa. His LP records frequently had one 30-minute track per side. Typically there is an instrumental “introduction” jam part of the song, perhaps 10–15 minutes long, before Fela starts singing the “main” part of the song, featuring his lyrics and singing, in which the song continues for another 10–15 minutes. Therefore, on some recordings one may see his songs divided into two parts, Part 1 (instrumental) followed by the rest, Part 2.
His songs were mostly sung in Nigerian pidgin English, although he also performed a few songs in the Yoruba language. Fela’s main instruments were the saxophone and the keyboards, but he also played the trumpet, electric guitar, and took the occasional drum solo. Fela refused to perform songs again after he had already recorded them, which also hindered his popularity outside Africa.
Fela was known for his showmanship, and his concerts were often quite outlandish and wild. He referred to his stage act as the “Underground” Spiritual Game. Fela attempted making a movie but lost all the materials to the fire that was set to his house by the military government in power. Kuti thought that art, and thus his own music, should have political meaning.
It is of note that as Fela’s musical career developed, so too did his political influence, not only in his home country of Nigeria, not just throughout Africa, but throughout the world. As his political influence grew, the religious aspect of his musical approach grew. Fela was a part of an Afro-Centric consciousness movement that was founded on and delivered through his music. Fela, in an interview found in Hank Bordowitz’s “Noise of the World”, states, “Music is supposed to have an effect. If you’re playing music and people don’t feel something, you’re not doing shit.
That’s what African music is about. When you hear something, you must move. I want to move people to dance, but also to think. Music wants to dictate a better life, against a bad life. When you’re listening to something that depicts having a better life, and you’re not having a better life, it must have an effect on you.”
POLITICAL VIEWS
“Imagine Che Guevara and Bob Marley rolled into one person and you get a sense of Nigerian musician and activist Fela Kuti.”
—Herald Sun, February 2011
Kuti thought the most important way for Africans to fight European cultural imperialism was to support traditional African religions and lifestyles.
The American Black Power movement also influenced Fela’s political views; he was a supporter of Pan-Africanism and socialism, and called for a united, democratic African republic. He was a candid supporter of human rights, and many of his songs are direct attacks against dictatorships, specifically the militaristic governments of Nigeria in the 1970s and 1980s. He was also a social commentator, and he criticized his fellow Africans (especially the upper class) for betraying traditional African culture. The African culture he believed in also included having many wives (polygyny) and the Kalakuta Republic was formed in part as a polygamist colony. He defended his stance on polygyny with the words: “A man goes for many women in the first place.
He should bring the women in the house, man, to live with him, and stop running around the streets!”
His views towards women are characterized by some as misogynist, with songs like “Mattress” typically cited as evidence.
In a more complex example, he mocks the aspiration of African women to European standards of ladyhood while extolling the values of the market woman in his song “Lady.”
In the 1970s, Kuti began buying advertising space in daily and weekly newspapers such as The Daily Times and The Punch in order to run outspoken political columns, bypassing editorial censorship in Nigeria’s predominantly state controlled media.
Published throughout the 1970s and early 1980s under the title “Chief Priest Say”, these columns were essentially extensions of Kuti’s famous Yabi Sessions—consciousness-raising word-sound rituals, with himself as chief priest, conducted at his Lagos nightclub. Organized around a militantly Afrocentric rendering of history and the essence of black beauty, “Chief Priest Say” focused on the role of cultural hegemony in the continuing subjugation of Africans. Kuti addressed a number of topics, from explosive denunciations of the Nigerian Government’s criminal behaviour; Islam and Christianity’s exploitative nature, and evil multinational corporations; to deconstructions of Western medicine, Black Muslims, sex, pollution, and poverty. “Chief Priest Say” was cancelled, first by Daily Times then by Punch, ostensibly due to non-payment, but many commentators[who?] have speculated that the paper’s respective editors were placed under increasingly violent pressure to stop publication.
THE FELA REVIVAL
Since the 1990s, there has been a revitalization of Fela’s influence on music and popular culture, culminating in another re-release of his catalog controlled by Universal Music, Broadway and off-Broadway biographically based shows, and new bands, such as Antibalas, who carry the Afrobeat banner to a new generation of listeners.
In 1999, Universal Music France, under the aegis of Francis Kertekian, remastered the 45 albums that it controlled and released them on 26 compact discs. These titles were licensed to other territories of the world with the exception of Nigeria and Japan, where Fela’s music was controlled by other companies. In 2005, Universal Music USA licensed all of its world-music titles to the UK-based label Wrasse Records, which repackaged the same 26 CDs for distribution in the USA (replacing the MCA-issued titles there) and the UK. In 2009, Universal created a new deal for the USA with Knitting Factory Records and for Europe with PIAS, which included the release of the Fela! Broadway cast album. In 2013, FKO Ltd, the entity that owned the rights of all of Fela’s compositions, was acquired by BMG Rights Management.
Thomas McCarthy’s 2008 film The Visitor depicted a disconnected professor (Oscar nominee Richard Jenkins) who wanted to play the djembe. He learns from a young Syrian (Haaz Sleiman) who tells the professor he will never truly understand African music unless he listens to Fela. The film features clips of Fela’s “Open and Close” and “Je’nwi Temi (Don’t Gag Me)”.
In 2008, an off-Broadway production of Fela Kuti’s life entitled Fela!, inspired by Carlos Moore’s 1982 book Fela, Fela! This Bitch of a Life, began with a collaborative workshop between the Afrobeat band Antibalas and Tony award-winner Bill T. Jones. The show was a massive success, selling out shows during its run, and garnering much critical acclaim. On 22 November 2009, Fela! began a run on Broadway at the Eugene O’Neill Theatre. Jim Lewis helped co-write the play (along with Bill T. Jones), and obtained producer backing from Jay-Z and Will Smith, among others. On 4 May 2010, Fela! was nominated for 11 Tony Awards, including Best Musical, Best Book of a Musical, Best Direction of a Musical for Bill T. Jones, Best Leading Actor in a Musical for Sahr Ngaujah, and Best Featured Actress in a Musical for Lillias White. On 11 June 2012, it was announced that FELA! would return to Broadway for 32 performances.
On 18 August 2009, award-winning DJ J.Period released a free mixtape to the general public via his website that was a collaboration with Somali-born hip-hop artist K’naan paying tribute to Fela, Bob Marley and Bob Dylan, entitled The Messengers.
In October 2009, Knitting Factory Records began the process of re-releasing the 45 titles that Universal Music controls, starting with yet another re-release of the compilation The Best of the Black President in the USA. The rest were expected to be released in 2010.
The full-length documentary film Finding Fela, directed by Alex Gibney, received its premiere at the 2014 Sundance Film Festival.
In addition, a movie by Focus Features, directed by Steve McQueen and written by Biyi Bandele about the life of Fela Kuti was rumoured to be in production 2010, with Chiwetel Ejiofor in the lead role, but has not eventuated.
Source: Wikipedia, www.vanguardng.com, Finding Fela.

Clark, the father, Jonathan, the son By Reuben Abati

Clack is a Mistake
Clark, the father, Jonathan, the son
By Reuben Abati
I HAVE tried delaying the writing of this piece in the honest expectation that someone probably misquoted Chief E.K. Clark, when he reportedly publicly disowned former President Goodluck Jonathan. I had hoped that our dear father, E.K. Clark, would issue a counter statement and say the usual things politicians say: “they quoted me out of context!” “Jonathan is my son”. That has not happened; rather, some other Ijaw voices, including one Joseph Evah, have come to the defence of the old man, to join hands in rubbishing a man they once defended to the hilt and used as a bargaining chip for the Ijaw interest in the larger Nigerian geo-politics.
If President Jonathan had returned to power on May 29, 2015, these same persons would have remained in the corridors of power, displaying all forms of ethnic triumphalism. It is the reason in case they do not realize it, why the existent power blocs that consider themselves most fit to rule, continue to believe that those whose ancestors never ran empires can never be trusted with power, hence they can only be admitted as other people’s agents or as merchants of their own interests which may even be defined for them as is deemed convenient. Mercantilism may bring profit, but in power politics, it destroys integrity and compromises otherwise sacred values.
President Jonathan being publicly condemned by his own Ijaw brothers, particularly those who were once staunch supporters of his government further serves the purpose of exposing the limits of the politics of proximity. Politics in Africa is driven by this particular factor; it is at the root of all the other evils: prebendalism, clientelism and what Matthew Kukah has famously described as the “myownisation of power”. It is both positive and negative, but obviously, more of the latter than the former. It is considered positive only when it is beneficial to all parties concerned, and when the template changes, the ground also shifts. As in that song, the solid rock of proximity is soon replaced by shifting sands. Old worship becomes new opportunism. And the observant public is left confounded.
Chief E.K. Clark? Who would ever think, Chief E.K. Clark would publicly disown President Jonathan? He says Jonathan was a weak President. At what point did he come to that realization? Yet, throughout the five years (not six, please) of the Jonathan Presidency, he spoke loudly against anyone who opposed the President. He was so combative he was once quoted as suggesting that Nigeria could have problems if Jonathan was not allowed to return to office. Today, he is the one helping President Jonathan’s successor to quench the fires. He always openly said President Jonathan is “his son”. Today, he is not just turning against his own son, he is telling the world his son as President lacked the political will to fight corruption. He has also accused his son of being too much of a gentleman. Really? Gentlemanliness would be considered honourable in refined circles. Is Pa E.K. Clark recommending something else in order to prove that he is no longer a politician but a statesman as he says?
As someone who was a member of the Jonathan administration, and who interacted often with the old man, I can only say that I am shocked. This is the equivalent of the old man deleting President Jonathan’s phone number and ensuring that calls from his phone no longer ring at the Jonathan end. During the Jonathan years, Chief E. K. Clark was arguably the most vocal Ijaw leader defending the government. He called the President “my son”, and both father and son remained in constant touch.
There is something about having the President’s ears in a Presidential system, elevated to the level of a fetish in the clientilist Nigerian political system. Persons in the corridors of power who have the President’s ear- be they cook, valet, in-laws, wife, cousin, former school mates, priests, or whatever, enjoy special privileges. They have access to the President and they can whisper into his ears. That’s all they have as power: the power to whisper and run a whispering campaign that can translate into opportunities or losses for those outside that informal power loop around every Presidency, that tends to be really influential.
Every President must beware of those persons who come around calling them “Daddy”, “Uncle”, na my brother dey there”, “my son”, “our in-law”: emotional blackmailers relying on old connections. They are courted, patronized and given more attention and honour than they deserve by those looking for access to the President or government. Even when the power and authority of the whispering exploiters of the politics of proximity is contrived, they go out of their way to exaggerate it. They acquire so much from being seen to be in a position to make things happen.
Chief E. K. Clark had the President’s ears. He had unfettered access to his son. He was invited to most state events. And he looked out for the man he called “my son”, in whom he was well pleased. Chief Clark’s energy level in the service of the Jonathan administration was impressive. Fearless and outspoken, he deployed his enormous talents in the service of the Jonathan government. If a press statement was tame, he drew attention to it and urged a more robust defence of “your boss”. If any invective from the APC was overlooked, he urged prompt rebuttal. If the party was tardy in defending “his son”, he weighed in.
If anyone had accused the President of lacking “the political will to fight corruption” at that time, he, E.K. Clark, would have called a press conference to draw attention to the Jonathan administration’s institutional reforms and preventive measures, his commitment to electoral integrity to check political corruption, and the hundreds of convictions secured by both the ICPC and EFCC under his son’s watch. So prominent and influential was he, that ministers, political jobbers etc etc trooped to his house to pay homage.
In due course, those who opposed President Jonathan did not spare Chief E. K. Clark either. He was accused of making inflammatory and unstatesman-like statements. An old war-horse, nobody could intimidate him. He was not President Olusegun Obasanjo’s fan in particular. He believed Obasanjo wanted to sabotage his son, and he wanted Obasanjo put in his place. Beneath all of that, was an unmistaken rivalry between the two old men, seeking to control the levers of Nigerian politics.
Every President probably needs a strong, passionate ally like Chief E. K. Clark. But what happened? What went wrong? Don’t get me wrong. I am not necessarily saying that the Ijaw leader should have remained loyal to and defend Goodluck Jonathan because they are both Ijaws; patriotism definitely could be stronger than ethnic affinities, nonetheless that E. K. Clark tale about leaving politics and becoming a statesman is nothing but sheer crap. If Jonathan had returned to office, he would still be a card-carrying member of the PDP and the “father of the President” and we would still have been hearing that famous phrase, “my son”. Chief E. K. Clark, five months after, has practically told the world that President Buhari is better than “his own son.”
It is the worst form of humiliation that President Jonathan has received since he left office. It is also the finest compliment that President Buhari has received since he assumed office. The timing is also auspicious: just when the public is beginning to worry about the direction of the Buhari government, E. K. Clark shows up to lend a hand of support and endorsement. Only one phrase was missing in his statement, and it should have been added: “my son, Buhari.” It probably won’t be too long before we hear the old man saying “I am a statesman, Buhari is my son.” I can imagine President Obasanjo grinning with delight. If he really wants to be kind, he could invite E.K. Clark to his home in Ota or Abeokuta to come and do the needful by publicly tearing his PDP membership card and join him in that exclusive club of Nigerian statesmen! The only problem with that club these days is that you can become a member by just saying so or by retiring from partisan politics. We are more or less being told that there are no statesmen in any of the political parties.
It is not funny. Julius Ceasar asked Brutus in one of the famous lines in written literature: “Et tu Brutus?” President Jonathan should ask Chief E. K. Clark: “Et tu Papa?” To which the father will probably tell the son: “Ces’t la vie, mon cher garcon.” And really, that is life. In the face of other considerations, loyalties vanish; synergies collapse. The wisdom of the tribe is overturned; the politics of proximity dissolves; loyalties remain in a perpetual process of construction. Thus, individual interests and transactions drive the political game in Nigeria, with time and context as key determinants.
These are teachable moments for President Jonathan. Power attracts men and women like bees to nectar, the state of powerlessness ends as a journey to the island of loneliness. However, the greatest defender of our work in office is not our ethnic “fathers and “brothers” but rather our legacy. The real loss is that President Jonathan’s heroism, his messianic sacrifice in the face of defeat, is being swept under the carpet and his own brothers who used to say that the Ijaws are driven by a principle of “one for all and all for another”, have become agent-architects of his pain. The Ijaw platform having seemingly been de-centered, Chief E.K. Clark and others are seeking assimilation in the new power structure. It is a telling reconstruction of the politics of proximity and mimicry.
Chief E.K. Clark once defended the rights of ethnic minorities to aspire to the highest offices in the land, his latest declaration about his son reaffirms the existing stereotype at the heart of Nigeria’s hegemonic politics. The same hegemons and their agents whom Clark used to fight furiously will no doubt find him eminently quotable now that he has proclaimed that it is wrong to be a “gentleman”, and that his son lacks “the political will to fight corruption”. There is more to this than we may ever know. Chief Clark can insist from now till 2019 that he has spoken as a statesman and as a matter of principle. His re-alignment is curious nonetheless.
• Dr. Abati was Special Adviser, Media and Publicity to former President Goodluck Jonathan.

Still on Edo 2016.



There is no arguing the fact that Sen. Prof. Oserheimen Osunbor needs no introduction in Edo State and indeed Nigeria.
A distinguished scholar, two term Senator of the fourth Republic and a governor for one and half years, Osunbor has left indelible marks of excellence in his trail of public service.
In his time as Senator for good consecutive eight years, Sen. Oserheimen Osunbor stood out in the performance of his duties at plenary and committee levels for his adroitness at chairing the Senate Committee on Judiciary and for his eloquent and sagacious presentation, whereupon he was fondly referred to as the Attorney General of the Senate.
Having acquitted himself creditably on the floor of the National Assembly, Osunbor felt he needed to directly impact on the lives of his dear people of Edo State. Thus he decided to contest the 2007 governorship election. Having secured the ticket of his party then the PDP he contested against the incumbent governor, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, consequent upon which INEC returned him winner. For the following 18 months, under the intense pressure and distraction of internal party intrigues and harassment and election petition, Sen. Prof. Oserheimen Osunbor strived beyond the average to deliver the expected dividends of democratic governance to the people of Edo State.
However, his romance with the people was cut short by the decision of the courts to overturn his victory and rule that Comrade Adams Oshiomhole had legitimately won the election. Thereafter Comrade Adams Oshiomhole took over the mantle of governance on November 12, 2008.
Perhaps it was the plan of God for Edo people as Oshiomhole has redefined politics and the art of governance in Edo State.
This is no platform to launch into details of Osunbor's antecedents as it is not yet the time for campaign. However it is relevant for us to highlight those qualities for which we consider him to be the man for the season and for which he deserves the support of all.
EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION
Oserheimen Osunbor is an excellent scholar. A first class law graduate from the University of Nigeria Nsukka, He proceeded on a Rhode Scholarship for his post-graduate studies-a voyage which culminated in his becoming a professor of law.
EXPERIENCE
The short time Osunbor occupied the office of governor has exposed him like no other to the fundamentals and the operations of the office. He therefore needs no further orientation to launch Edo into the next phase of consolidation and advanced development.
COMPETENCE AND QUALITY
Osunbor is a man of proven competence and quality either as a legislator or an executive. He has an antecedence of evident performance.
NON TRIBAL
Although he recognizes his roots which are embedded in the Esan Stock of Edo Central Senatorial district, Osunbor's disposition has always been that of all-inclusiveness, fairness and equity. He is someone that can be referred to as detribalized.
In his brief appearance as governor, the three senatorial zones were equitably represented in his government. It is instructive to note that the three main appointive offices in the executive were distributed along the lines of the three senatorial zones.
GENDER SENSITIVITY
Osunbor recognizes that there is the need for women to be well represented in government. Thus as governor he appointed four female commissioners out of sixteen and three female special advisers out of twelve. Women were also assigned other sensitive responsibilities.
RESTORATION AND EQUITY
It would not be expecting too much to assert that in the spirit of equity, fairness and harmony of the senatorial zones of Edo State that Edo Central ought to be given the opportunity to present the next governor of the state going by rotational governance which s being promoted in Nigeria today. Edo Central, having been displaced in 2008, needs restoration to balance the rotational arrangement of governance. The quintessential symbol of this restoration and equity is indeed Sen. Oserheimen Osunbor for obvious reasons.
TEAM PLAYER
Sen. Prof. Oserheimen Osunbor is a proven team player who allows the party to exercise its expected role in governance. He is a man that carries the leaders and followers along.
HUMILITY
A remarkable quality of Osunbor is his humility. By this quality he is always accessible to both the high and the low in the society. This attribute is a guarantee that the party will not be sidelined in the scheme of things if he is given the opportunity to govern.

Engr. Chris Ogiemwonyi

BOARD APPOINTMENTS
Engr. Chris Aigbovbiosa Ogiemwonyi has served on the board of PHCN, former council member of PTI, Warri and Chairman, N-Gas. Also a former Director NETCODIETSMANN, one time Board member of Nigermed, served as member, Presidential Committee on IPP development for Niger Delta, served as a member of the NNPC Corporate Board and Chairman of Hyson/Calson JV. He was also a member of the Presidential Committee on accelerated Expansion of Electricity Infrastructure.
Chris Ogiemwonyi belongs to many professional bodies including the society of Petroleum Engineers, a fellow of the Nigerian Society of Engineers and former President of the Nigeria Gas association.
A recipient of the Justice of Peace (JP) by Edo State Government and Kwame Nkrumah Leadership Award, Patron to several bodies including NANS – National Association of Nigerian Students, ACNPN – Association of Community Newspapers Publishers of Nigeria etc. A man who is a leader of the pack is what Edo state deserve NOW and the shoes fit him!

Say No to smear campaign.

I want to on behalf of my family and political associates sympathize with the Deputy Governor of Edo State, Dr. Pius Egberamwan Odudu over the death of his mother. May Her Soul Rest in peace. Amen.
Allow me also to use this medium to appeal to him as someone who will be spending sixteen (16) straight years as an elected representative of the people, to desist from the gutter campaign of lying to his supporters that Engr.Chirs Ogiemwonyi took the money the Federal Government earmarked for the Benin to Abraka Road. Such low-life lies coming from a highly placed person in our society and party is very disappointing.
The Benin Abraka road was awarded to RCC by the Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs under the ministerial Leadership of Elder. Godswill Orubebe while Engr. Ogiemwonyi was a junior Minister of State for works.When Elder Orubebe was to come to Benin City to flag off the road construction he invited his fellow Minister Engr. Ogiemwonyi. So how does that make Engr Ogiemwonyi the contractor? How did Dr. Odubu draw his drawing the conclusion that Engr. Ogiemwonyi is in pocesssion of the contract money? Is it because Engr Ogiemwonyi accompanied Elder. Orubebe to the flagging off of the project in his state that Odubu is misinterpreting?
Dr. Odubu is a Lawyer and should know better that such below-the-belt smear campaign of lies cannot sway the people of Edo State.
What the people will be examining will be your past records of service in the 16 years you represented the people. According to a very popular advert in the last senate election, they will be asking, Na only you? They are already asking if you are the only one and the most qualified person from Orhionmwon?
As we move on, there are a few things that you will need to clarify. The first is that the people are angry with you because they alleged that you appointed your wife, the beautiful Deaconess, to serve you as your Legislative aid in the eight years you were in the House of Reps, whereas those that laboured to elect you into office were walloping in unemployment & penury.
Even as his Deputy Governor, they alleged that the Comrade Governor appointed you as the chairman to the committee that appointed Supervisory Councillors in all the seven 7 Edo South Local government Councils. That was an apple opportunity for you to engage those who laboured to elect you severally over the years, but you ended up filling those positions with your brothers and sisters, I mean those born of your Father and mother.
That is how self-centred your politics became. In politics we call it chop alone syndrome. If I may ask you, His Excellency, on whose vote do you intend to win elections in Edo State? is it that of your siblings alone abi? In this your 16 years in government, i challenge you to name anyone outside your family that you have empowered.
in 1999, at the start of this present democratic dispensation, Dr. Odubu was first elected to the House of Representatives. His first constituency project was an industrial borehole for his community Uromhehe. He invited Chief Lucky Igbinedion, the then governor of Edo State to commission the borehole. Dr Odubu knowing fully well that the borehole was not sunk, decided to use two water tankers to ferry water from Benin City and pumped the water up onto the industrial tank above. So when Chief Lucky Igbinedion and his crew got there, he opened the taps and voila Dr. Odubu magical borehole was commissioned.
I see that you have already read the sign on the wall that your 16 years of service is all our people can take from you. I like the idea that you have started planning for your retirement. You have built several filling stations and develop commercial properties all over the place.This is a good step in the right direction. However, as a lawyer, you should know that your filling stations along Upper Sokponba Road are all in violation of the Benin City building plan. You located them in a densely populated areas thereby bringing real threat to the life of the people in the area. But the question is, how can you a law maker and a keeper of the law be in violation of the law?
Dr. Odubu lets bring our campaigns to the higher grounds and not smear others. it is a democratic contest where the will of the people will always prevail. The polity is NOT anyone's' inheritance.

Towards Edo State 2016 Governorship elections

Background
Engineer Chris Ogiemwonyi was born on the 21st day of March 1951 to the family of Mr & Mrs Agbonkpolor Ogiemwonyi in Benin City, Edo State, Nigeria.
Chris Ogiemwonyi attended Western Boys School, Benin City before proceeding to University of Benin in 1969 where he eventually graduated with a B.SC (Hons) in Applied Physics option in Electronics in 1974. He then proceeded to the University of Ibadan where he bagged the Post Graduate Diploma in Petroleum Engineering in 1976 through an in-service programme.
Chris Ogiemwonyi is a great technocrat with a "father-degree" of experience in oil and gas industry, he has also attended several local and international courses, he's also a reckon product of the Harvard Business School. He is a member of the Society of Petroleum Engineers, also a fellow of the Nigerian Society of Engineers and former President of the Nigeria Gas association.
Chris Ogiemwonyi is a recipient of the Justice of Peace (JP) by Edo State Government and Kwame Nkrumah Leadership Award, he's also a patron to several bodies including NANS – National Association of Nigerian Students, ACNPN – Association of Community Newspapers Publishers of Nigeria etc.
Educational career
Chris Ogiemwonyi's educational qualification speaks volume, he got his WASCE certificate in 1969, in 1974 he became a B.SC holder in Applied Physics, Post Graduate Diploma in Petroleum Engineering in 1976, became a Doctor of Engineering Ph.D (Honoris Causa) in 2008 and also got the Doctor of Science Ph.D (Honoris Causa) in 2008.
Qualification Year
Doctor of Science, Ph.D (Honoris Causa) 2008
Doctor of Engineering, Ph.D (Honoris Causa) 2007
Post graduate Diploma in Petroleum Engineering 1976
B.Sc. (Hons) Applied Physics 1974
WASC 1969
Professional career
Petroleum Engineer II
Chris Ogiemwonyi began his career as a Petroleum Engineer II in 1975 with the Conservation Department and in February, in 1977 Ogiemwonyi was seconded to SPDC (Shell Petroleum Development Company) Warri. This secondment was enriched by a four and half month Advance Petroleum Engineering Programme in SPDC Training Centre in the Hague, Netherlands.
Exploration & Exploitation (E&E) - NNPC
In 1982, Chris Ogiemwonyi resumed work at the Exploration & Exploitation (E&E) Division of NNPC and in 1985 he was transferred to the National Reserves Evaluation as a Project Leader. While in office as a project leader, Ogiemwonyi coordinated all efforts in Dallas, USA in establishing a strong data Base for the Oil and gas Industry.
In 1988, he was moved back to the Exploration Division of the Exploration& Exploitation (E&E) as Head, Petroleum Engineering Department Company to nurture the newly created Petroleum Engineering Department.
Petroleum Engineer - NPDC
In 1988, Chris Ogiemwonyi became the project leader (Petroleum Engineer) of the Nigerian Petroleum Development Company (NPDC) in Benin City. The NPDC, incorporated in 1988 had as its main objective the mission to compete as an indigenous Oil and Gas producing Company. NPDC was assigned four acreages including OML – 65 containing Abura Field then producing at 980 bopd.
Ogiemwonyi championed the takeover of NPDC and he kept an up-to-date reserves position of the company.
He was the field project leader in Abuja as his company had the major takeover asset from defunct TENNECO. Ogiemwonyi raised the production level from 980 bopd to over 4,000 bopd in 1990. In 1992, he served as Oredo Field Project Leader which was a Greenfield project that involved KELT ENERGY,UK and IP CONSTRUCTION, Calgary. The project was an engineering, procurement, construction as well as operations of 10,000 bopd early production facility which has now being expanded to process 30mmscf/d.
Ogiemwonyi also served as Oziengbe field Leader. This is another 10,000 bopd EPC facility at Oziengbe field.
General Manager, Operations - NAPIMS
In the year 1999, Chris Ogiemwonyi was promoted to the post of the General Manager, operations and was moved to National Petroleum Investments Management Services (NAPIMS) to oversee the Operations Division. He also championed several projects as a general manager most especially the Local content initiative of the Federal Government, due to the hardworking service; Ogiemwonyi got appointed as the Group General Manager NAPIMS in 2001.
While serving as the Group General Manager NAPIMS, Ogiemwonyi supervised the whole industry including the Joint Ventures (JV) and the Production Sharing Companies (PSCs).
During his days in NAPIMS, Ogiemwonyi served as Chairman, Nigeria OTC Committee between 2003 and 2004. Notably, he also championed and surpervised several key projects which includes the EA field, Erha field, Bonga field, Agbami field amongst others.
During his term, NAPIMS achieved zero cash call arrears by October, 2003. As GGM NAPIMS, the Oil Industry was encouraged on joint utilization of assets such as offshore swamp rigs.
Managing Director - NPDC
In November, 2003, Ogiemwonyi was re-assigned to NPDC as Managing Director[5] and his expertise helped in increasing NPDC production from 20,000 bopd to 70,000bopd. He served as chairman, Project Monitoring Committee (PMC) of Okono/Okpho Development Project, a strategic alliance between NPDC and Agip Energy Limited (AENR). He also served as Chairman, PMC of OMLs 64 and 66 Project, another strategic alliance between NPDC and SINOPEC of China.
Managing Director - National Gas Company
Ogiemwonyi was again re-assigned to National Gas Company Limited as Managing Director[6] in March, 2005. He was determined to to increase gas supply to major customers like; PHCN, SNG, GSLINK, WAPCO, SHAGAMU, and EWEKORO, NOTORE FERTILIZER PH,OBAJANA CEMENT COMPANY etc NGC is coordinating 130mmscf/d gas supply (WAGP – West Africa gas Supply Project) to Benin, Togo, Ghana and hopefully to Ivory Coast.
TSGP – Trans- Sahara Gas Project, the 2 billion scf/d supply from Nigeria through Algeria to Europe was another portfolio under his supervision as NGC’s helmsman.
Group Executive Director - NNPC
In September, 2007, Ogiemwonyi became the Group Executive Director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC, Exploration & Production Directorate).[7]
While he served as GED Exploration and Production, Engr. Chris Ogiemwonyi was in charge of seven NNPC Companies and Subsidiaries which included National Petroleum Investment Management Services NAPIMS), Nigerian Gas Company (NGC), LNG & Power Division, Integrated Data Services Limited (IDSL), Nigerian Petroleum Development Company (NPDC) Crude Oil, Marketing Division and Local Content Division.
President - EETCLTD
Ogiemwonyi is currently the President of Energy and Engineering Technology Consulting Group, a position he has occupied since May 2011.[8]
President - ESC
Engr. Chris Ogiemwonyi served as the President, Energy Strategy Centre (Esc) Abuja, an Energy and Consulting Group between September 2009 through April 2010.
Political career
Minister of State for Works
Engineer Chris Ogiemwonyi was appointed Minister of State for Works in April, 2010, an office he occupied till May 2011.[9]
Governorship Aspirant
Another story began in his career on the 28th day of November when the city of Benin celebrates in grand style as Engr Chris Ogiemwonyi crossed over to the All Progressive Congress (APC) from the People's Democratic Party (PDP) where he was when was elected as a Minister. In this revealing event, Chris Ogiemwonyi publicly renounce the People's Democratic Party (PDP),[10] he emphasized on renouncing them forever. This same event declared him as the party's Governorship Aspirant in 2016.